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Tuesday, 12 February 2013

Die Traurigen Tropen - Die Geschichte des Bossa Nova von Roger Behrens (Jungle World Nr. 6, 7. Februar 2013)

Posted on 15:04 by Unknown
Roger Behrens: Die Geschichte des Bossa Nova

Mehr als eine musikalische Stilrichtung: Die Geschichte des Bossa Nova ist die Geschichte des modernen Brasilien

von Roger Behrens:

Weitaus mehr als nur ein Musikgenre, ist der Bossa Nova dennoch nicht ohne Grund international als Musik bekannt geworden. Doch der Bossa Nova ist darüber hinaus mindestens eine musikalische Lebensweise, nämlich eine Haltung, die sich vor allem in einer musikalischen Form ausdrückt. Und auch das hat die Bewegung mit anderen postavantgardistischen Avantgarden gemeinsam: Der Bossa Nova ist kein Stil, sondern ein Ausdruck. Und zwar Ausdruck eines Modernismus, der auf besondere Weise durch Mythos, Mode und Melancholie bestimmt, ja belebt und gelebt wurde.

Die Zeit des Bossa Nova beginnt Ende der fünfziger Jahre in Rio de Janeiro: 1958 erscheint das Album »Canção do Amor Demais« von Elizete Cardoso. Es ist ihr fünftes Album. Ihre vier vorherigen Studioalben – »Canções à Meia Luz« (1955), »Fim de Noite« (1956), »Noturno« (1957) und »Retrato da Noite« (1958) – waren vom Samba bestimmt. Und eigentlich ist auch »Canção do Amor Demais« ein Samba-Album, wären da nicht die Gitarrenarrangements von João Gilberto für zwei Songs: »Chega de Saudade« und »Outra Vez«. Hier ist das erste Mal der Bossa-Nova-Beat zu hören. Cardosos Album bleibt allerdings zunächst einmal unbeachtet; erst Gilbertos im selben Jahr veröffentlichte Single mit den Stücken »Chega de Saudade« und »Bim Bom« und schließlich sein 1959 bei Odeon erschienenes Album »Chega de Saudade« machen diese Musik als Bossa Nova berühmt, definiert durch Gilbertos minimalen wie sanften Gitarrenbeat und seine ruhige, fast flüsternde Stimme – so jedenfalls wird der Bossa Nova gemeinhin kanonisiert: im Kontrast zum aufwühlend vitalen Sambarhythmus, erzählt als Biographie des musikverrückten João Gilberto, der 1950 als 19jähriger Junge ohne Schulabschluss aus dem Bundesstaat Bahia nach Rio gekommen sei, um dort als spleeniger, seine Marotten pflegender Gitarrenspieler in den Bars und Clubs von Ipanema, Leblon und Copacabana zu reüssieren. Der 1931 geborene Gilberto gilt als »um gênio e uma lenda viva da música popular brasileira«, also Genie und lebende Legende der Música Popular Brasileira (MPB), wie die moderne Musik Brasiliens bezeichnet wird. In den fünfziger Jahren lag der Modernismus, der sich schließlich in der Musik als Bossa Nova ausformte, in Brasilien in der tropischen Luft. Schon 1957 war »Chega de Saudade« als Single zu hören, gesungen von Os Cariocas.

Der weltweite Durchbruch des Bossa Nova erfolgt 1962, als Stan Getz und Charlie Byrd ihr Album »Jazz Samba« bei dem US-amerikanischen Label Verve veröffentlichen: Eine Zeitlang sogar auf Platz eins der US-Album-Charts, löste es nicht nur in den Vereinigten Staaten ein regelrechtes Bossa-Nova-Fieber aus. »Jazz Samba« zählt zu den meistverkauften Jazzplatten aller Zeiten. Schließlich hat am internationalen Erfolg des Bossa Nova auch die brasilianische Militärdiktatur ihren Anteil: Viele Musiker sehen sich gezwungen, nach Beginn der Diktatur 1964 das Land zu verlassen. João Gilberto lebte schon seit 1962 in den USA, 1963 zog Astrud Gilberto hinterher. Wichtige Bossa-Nova-Veröffentlichungen werden nun vor allem in den USA produziert: Schon 1964 erscheinen »Getz/Gilberto«, »Getz Au-Go-Go« sowie »The Astrud Gilberto Album« bei Verve. Als Teil der internationalen Kulturindustrie funktioniert der Bossa Nova, trotz der unüberhörbaren brasilianischen Klangfarben, wie der Rock’n’Roll als integraler Bestandteil einer sich rasch entfaltenden globalen Popkultur – und zwar gerade in Bezug auf die Stereotype des Brasilianischen, Tropischen, Südamerikanischen, die mit dieser Musik zu Standards werden. Und das heißt vor allem: Wie der Pop ist auch der Bossa Nova sowohl eine Ideologie als auch eine Industrie, nämlich eine als Ware hergestellte »Kultur«. Tatsächlich ist die Bossa-Nova-Musik außerhalb Brasiliens als Soundtrack einer prosperierenden Mittelklasse rezipiert worden, als Fahrstuhlmusik für ein Kleinbürgertum, das mit den milden Klängen dieser Musik seine Angst vor dem drohenden sozialen Abstieg kompensiert, von den frühen, das Genre prägenden Aufnahmen bis zu den diversen Retro-Stilisierungen der vergangenen Jahrzehnte, die Bossa Nova mit gemäßigten Elektronikbeats für die Afterwork Lounge der Creative Class kompatibel machen.

Tradition ist Widerspruch

Doch auch der Bossa Nova hat seine Dialektik, seine bewegten Gegensätze, und ist Ausdruck gesellschaftlicher Antagonismen, die mit der Geschichte Brasiliens eng verbunden sind. Was sich im Bossa Nova als Modernismus (»Modernismo«) realisiert, lässt sich bündig auf eine Formel bringen, die die portugiesische Semantik möglich macht: Tradição = Contradição, Tradition ist Widerspruch.

Die Geschichte des Bossa Nova ist die Geschichte des modernen Brasilien und zugleich der Mythos, der davon handelt, wie sich dieses Land über die Konstruktion von Kultur eine Geschichte gegeben hat. Spuren davon lassen sich bis zu den Anfängen der Kolonialzeit zurückverfolgen. Anders als in anderen Gegenden Amerikas errichteten die Jesuiten ihre Herrschaft nicht auf Vernichtung, sondern auf dem Prinzip der Vermehrung: Missionierung als Vergrößerung der christlichen Gemeinde durch Überwältigung und Vergewaltigung. Darüber hinaus öffneten die Jesuiten die katholische Kirche für Magie, Naturzauber und Schutzgeister. Sie adaptierten damit etwas von dem Kannibalismus, den sie in den Wäldern des Amazonas entdeckt haben wollten, als höchst vitales Prinzip der Aneignung: Ich fresse den Gegner, wodurch seine Kraft auf mich übergeht und er auch nicht mehr Gegner, nicht mehr fremd und unheimlich ist.

In den zwanziger Jahren wird diese Praxis des Kulturkannibalismus, der Piraterie und des offensivparasitären als Programm des brasilianischen Modernismus ausformuliert, wesentlich begründet durch Oswald de Andrades »Brasilholz-Manifest« von 1924 und schließlich durch das »Anthropophagischen Manifest« von 1928. »Dieses wurde in der Folge zum zentralen Gemeinplatz und letztlich zum Dilemma der brasilianischen Kultur«, schreibt José Galisi Filho in der Zeitschrift ARCH+ 190 im Dezember 2008: »Der Text bringt die asynchronen Bestandteile der brasilianischen Gesellschaft miteinander in Verbindung und stellt in einer antidiskursiven, elliptischen Sprache mit kurzen, direkten Sätzen ohne explizite Verknüpfung die Frage, was die Identität der brasilianischen Nation sein soll.«

»Nur die Anthropophagie vereint uns«, postuliert Andrade: »Einziges Gesetz der Welt. Maskierter Ausdruck Aller Individualismen, Aller Kollektivismen. Aller Religionen. Aller Friedensverträge. Tupi or not Tupi, that is the question.« Verteidigt wird der Kannibalismus als Prinzip kultureller Einverleibung: »Die Seuche der sogenannten gebildeten und christianisierten Völker ist es, wogegen wir vorgehen. Die Anthropophagen … Gegen die gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit, angekleidet und unterdrückend, von Freud klassifiziert, ohne Komplexe, ohne Wahnsinn, ohne Prostituierenden und ohne Strafanstalten, im Matriarchat von Pindorama.«

In der Mischung aus Tradition und Widerspruch, Samba und Jazz, Brasilianischem und Nichtbrasilianischem ist auch der Bossa Nova Teil der Geschichte des Anthropophagismus.

Nutzlose Landschaft Liebe

Insofern ist Bossa Nova mehr als der zurückhaltende Sound, die Stimme und die Gitarre von João Gilberto. Für die Musik als Ausdruck sind überdies Komposition und Text ausschlaggebend. Der Song »Chega de Saudade« – der Titel meint in etwa »Genug der Sehnsucht« – ist von Antônio Carlos Jobim (kurz Tom Jobim) komponiert, der Text wiederum von Vinicius de Moraes, zusammen mit Carlos Drumond. Auf Jobim gehen die meisten der schier unzähligen Bossa-Standards zurück, so etwa »Agua de Beber«, »Eu sei que vou te amar«, »A felicidade«, »Insensatez«, »Por toda a minha vida«, »Wave«, »Ela é Carioca«, »Dindi« »Samba do avião« und »Garota de Ipanema« (»The Girl from Ipanema«), das als eines der meistgecoverten Musikstücke der Welt gilt. Wie so oft und immer wieder geht es auch hier um das Scheitern der Liebe, ein Thema, das sich als Liebe zum Scheitern entpuppt: Ein Mann sieht am Strand von Ipanema eine schöne Frau, sieht sie jeden Tag, ist fasziniert von ihr – und sie würdigt ihn keines Blickes, bemerkt ihn nicht einmal. Es gehört wohl zu den Besonderheiten des Bossa Nova, dass die Songs überladen sind mit Klischees und Stereotypen, dass diese aber zugleich ironisiert werden. Zuerst hat Astrud Gilberto das Lied gesungen.

»Canção do Amor Demais« – Lieder über die Liebe und noch mehr Liebe. Das große Thema des Bossa Nova: die Liebe als romantisches Ideal, in dem die körperliche Lust zur körperlosen Sehnsucht vergeistigt, schließlich der Eros ästhetisiert wird. Derart wird die Liebe zur romantischen Sehnsucht, die über das Private hinaustreibt: Die Liebe des Bossa Nova ist eine gleichsam öffentliche Liebe, Melancholie eine Haltung – und darin durchaus dem Existentialismus vergleichbar, wie er das Pariser Leben Ende der Vierziger und in den Fünfzigern prägte: Auch die Bossa-Nova-Bewegung unternimmt den Versuch, mit einer »Lebensweise« eine »Gesellschaft« zu begründen, einzugreifen, Verhältnisse zu gestalten. Und wie beim Existentialismus der Sartre-Jahre bleibt auch im Bossa Nova die Politik ausgespart.

Als das Militär 1964 die Straßen mit Panzern besetzt und die Diktatur errichtet, bleibt die Musik der Bossa Nova stumm. Die Künstlerboheme von Rio de Janeiro hat der politischen Gewalt nichts entgegenzusetzen: Mit Sentimentalität lässt sich Terror nicht bekämpfen. Im entscheidenden Moment fehlt die Verbindung zwischen der ästhetischen Avantgarde und dem politischen Widerstand. Als Tom Jobim von dem Putsch hört, nennt er ein gerade arrangiertes Stück »Inútil Paisagem«, nutzlose Landschaft: Ihm wird klar, dass der Bossa Nova, das »neue Können«, plötzlich versagt.

Brasília

Mit der Militärdiktatur wird Brasilien, was es sein sollte: ein souveräner Nationalstaat. Das entsprach nicht dem Projekt des Modernismus, zu dem nicht nur der Bossa Nova gehörte, sondern vor allem auch die Politik Juscelino Kubitscheks, brasilianischer Staatspräsident von 1956 bis 1961: Er versuchte in einer sozialdemokratischen Umkehrung des Estado Novo Vargas’ (Präsident 1930 bis 1945 und 1950 bis 1954), Brasilien als Gesellschaft zu entwerfen, die ihre Identität in einem Transnationalismus begründet, konkretisiert in der in nur wenigen Jahren – Baubeginn Oktober 1956, Einweihung April 1960 – im Sertão, im Hinterland, dem Mythos nach »aus dem Nichts« errichteten Hauptstadt Brasília, gebaut nach dem sogenannten Plano Piloto Lúcio Costas (tatsächlich sieht die Stadt aus wie ein Flugzeug), berühmt durch die Architektur Oscar Niemeyers. Was Niemeyer bis zu seinem Tod – er starb letzten Dezember im Alter von fast 105 Jahren – als seine Idee vom Sozialismus propagierte, entspricht diesem Modernismus permanenter Selbsterneuerung, die kannibalisch aus dem Alten und Vorhanden schöpft.

Wie in Charles Baudelaires ursprünglicher Definition der Modernität von 1863 war auch der Modernismo beides, nämlich »das Vorübergehende, das Flüchtige, das Zufällige, die eine Hälfte der Kunst; ihre andere Hälfte ist das Ewige und das Unwandelbare«. Dies berührt im brasilianischen Modernismus, Andrades »Anthropophagisches Manifest« handelt genau davon, vergleichbar durchaus mit den Avantgardebewegungen im vorrevolutionären Russland, die Frage nach dem neuen Menschen, nach dem Menschen überhaupt. Vilém Flusser hat das aufgegriffen: Brasilien sei die Suche nach dem neuen Menschen – aber zugleich gebe es hier »keinen Platz für den neuen Menschen (… ). Und der neue Mensch wüsste mit dem großen Brasilien nichts anzufangen, wenn er es hätte, denn was immer das große Brasilien sein mag, es ist nicht die Utopie des neuen Menschen. Dieser grundsätzliche Widerspruch ist überall in Brasilien spürbar«, heißt es in »Brasília oder Die Stadt welcher Zukunft?«.

Flusser schreibt das 1970 mit Blick auf die Hauptstadt Brasília, in der er ein »Modell für die ganze Menschheit« sieht, mithin ein gescheitertes Modell: »Der Mensch in Brasília mag, horribile visu, tatsächlich der Mensch der Zukunft sein, nämlich der Mensch im triumphierenden Apparat, und in diesem Sinn mag Brasília tatsächlich ein Modell sein für alle Städte der Zukunft.«

Karneval im Kino

Doch Brasília ist nur das eine Extrem. Der Modernismus manifestiert sich in Rio de Janeiro ebenso, in Bewegung, sichtbar etwa im Mosaikpflaster der Copacabana-Strandpromenade von Roberto Burle Marx, hörbar eben im Bossa Nova, sichtbar und hörbar schließlich im Karneval, den Marcel Camus 1959 für das Kinofesthält: »Orfeu Negro«, ein Film nach der Vorlage des Orpheus aus der Unterwelt, den Offenbach schon als Operette inszenierte.

In einem entscheidenden Punkt nimmt die Geschichte vom »Orfeu do Carneval« einen anderen Ausgang als Jacques Offenbachs »Orphée aux Enfers«. Im Film stirbt der Orpheus am Ende, stürzt vom Felsen, die tote Euridice tragend; er rutscht ab, als Mira, rasend vor Eifersucht, einen Stein nach ihm wirft. Dann laufen Kinder ins Bild, gerade zu der Stelle, wo eben noch das tragische Unglück passierte, davon ganz unbekümmert: Es sind Benedito und Zeca. Benedito hat Orpheus’ Gitarre dabei. Das Mädchen sagt: »Spiel, spiel …« Und Benedito spielt – »Samba de Orfeu«, die Sonne geht auf, alle tanzen wild und fröhlich in den neuen Tag hinein.

Die Handlung des Films ist bestimmt vom Soundtrack, von der Musik von Luiz Bonfá und Antônio Carlos Jobim. Von Vinicius de Moraes sind die Texte, der Film basiert wesentlich auf seinem Theaterstück »Orfeu da Conceição«, einer »Tragédia carioca em três atos«. Zweifellos ist die Tragédia carioca etwas anders als die griechische Tragödie.

Gesungen wird vom Karneval als »grande ilusão«: Die Leute arbeiten das ganze Jahr, um sich für einen Augenblick den Träumen hinzugeben. Bossa Nova erzählt von einer Gesellschaft, die als Gesellschaft nicht möglich ist. Bossa Nova erzählt von Menschen, die in die Trostlosigkeit des Daseins geworfen sind, ohne Halt, ohne ontologisches Fundament, ohne Geld und Glück.

Das endlose Ende des Bossa Nova

Zum einen gilt für den Bossa Nova wie für jede modernistische Bewegung: Er kann nicht aufhören, es gibt keinen Endpunkt; er kann sich nur immer wieder selbst neu erfinden, neu definieren, neu erklären. Sein Tod ist die Moderne selbst, wenn er nämlich dem Prinzip der Mode überantwortet wird und irgendwann, diesem Prinzip konsequent folgend, aus der Mode kommt. Insofern lässt sich sagen, dass sich der Bossa Nova schon Ende der sechziger Jahre auflöst, mit dem Übergang in die Tropicália-Bewegung, die sich zwischen Pop-Kunst (Lydia Clark, Hélio Oiticica, Cildo Meireles etc.) und Pop-Musik (Os Mutantes, Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso, Gal Costa, Chico Buarque, Tom Zé etc.) bewegt. Seinen immanenten Schluss- und Höhepunkt hat er dann musikalisch in Tom Jobims »Matita Perê« von 1973: Entstanden ist ein episches Konzeptalbum, das über den Bossa Nova hinausführt und zugleich zurück zum Anfang, zur Liebe, zur Sehnsucht, zum Ausdruck und zur Suche nach dem Neuen.

Wichtige Bossa-Nova-Veröffentlichungen auf dem Londoner Label Soul Jazz Records.

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2012/02/i-hate-bossa-nova-eu-odeio-bossa-nova.html

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2012/05/brazilian-culture-national-by.html

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2011/07/ein-interview-mit-peter-burger-uber.html

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2012/01/das-brasilianische-projekt.html

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2012/01/das-brasilianische-projekt-das.html

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2012/01/editorial-stadtarchitektur-oder-stadt.html

http://urania-josegalisifilho.blogspot.de/2011/10/dialektik-des-fragments-und-realismus.html


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Sunday, 10 February 2013

"The woman that was the best part of my manhood - The best part of myself" - It Might Be You - Tootsie (1982)

Posted on 03:48 by Unknown


And I'm not mentally ill, but proud, and lucky, and strong enough to be the woman that was the best part of my manhood. The best part of myself.


Time... I've been passing time watching trains go by
All of my life...
Lying on the sand, watching seabirds fly
Wishing there would be
Someone waiting home for me...

Something's telling me it might be you
It's telling me it might be you...
All of my life...


Looking back as lovers go walking past...
All of my life
Wondering how they met and what makes it last
If I found the place

Would I recognize the face?




Something's telling me it might be you
Yeah, it's telling me it might be you

So many quiet walks to take
So many dreams to wake
And we've so much love to make

I think we're gonna need some time
Maybe all we need is time...
And it's telling me it might be you
All of my life...


I've been saving love songs and lullabies
And there's so much more
No one's ever heard before...

Something's telling me it might be you
Yeah, it's telling me it must be you
And I'm feeling it'll just be you
All of my life...
It's you..
It's you...
I've been waiting for all of my life...

Maybe it's you...
Maybe it's you...
I've been waiting for all of my life...

Maybe it's you...
Maybe it's you...
I've been waiting for all of my life...


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Blue Moon

Posted on 03:08 by Unknown
Blue moon, you saw me standing alone
Without a dream in my heart
Without a love of my own



Blue moon, you knew just what i was there for
You heard me saying a prayer for
Someone i really could care for



And then there suddenly appeared before me
The only one my arms will ever hold
I heard somebody whisper, "please adore me"
And when i looked, the moon had turned to gold



Blue moon, now i'm no longer alone
Without a dream in my heart
Without a love of my own







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Saturday, 9 February 2013

The Mirror and the Lamp: The Gnostic Femine: Living in the Light of your Love!

Posted on 06:33 by Unknown
Peter said to Mary, “Sister, we are aware of how the Savior loved you more than any other woman. Tell us the things the Savior said that you remember, the things you know but we do not, that we have never hard.” Mary answered them, saying, “What is hidden from you, I will surely disclose to you.” And she commenced to speak to them these words: “I,” she said, “even I, beheld the Lord in a vision, and I said to him, ‘Lord, I behold you today in a vision!’ He answered and said to me, ‘Blessed are you for not quailing at the sight of me! For where the mind is, there too will be the treasure.’ I answered to him, ‘Lord, how does the visionary see the vision: with the soul or with the spirit?’ The Savior answered, saying, ‘It is not with the soul that one sees, nor yet through the spirit, but by the mind which lies between the two. This is what sees the vision, and it is by that means I am speaking with you now, Mary.’ (The Gospel of Mary)


“And the companion of the S[avior . . .] Mary Magdalene [ . . . loved] her more than [all] the disciples [and used to] kiss her [often] on her [ . . . ]” (GPhilip 63:34). (missing words in the Gospel of Philip)


By kissing Magdalene, regardless the missing words, whether in the mouth or in the hands, in a responsible translation, the historical Jesus: 

1) transfers his spiritual knowledge and authority as "breath" in her "Mind" to spread and conduct in the early Gnostic communities in the Turkey, Greece, Judea an North Africa the new Gospel.

2) yet the "flesh" of this new word is a intuitive gnosis "through" the spirit and the Eye. Magdalene becomes "pregnant" of it by this "seeing-through". He ignites her "Mind" as a mirror and also inaugurates a new imaginary feminine iconography as a negative theology, as formulated by John Scot Erigena (9th century): "We do not know what God is. God Himself does not know what He is because He is not anything. Literally God is not, because He transcends being.". 

3) This knowledge is a also a dialectical one, pure negativity, referring itself always to a "third" term as mediation, recognizing that at the very heart of this "seeing through" is inherently a contradiction. How can the finite know the infinite? We cannot speak about God with just affirmations. Rather, there must be affirmation and negation, thesis and antithesis, the dogmatic and the critical. "I am the Spirit (of the Earth) that always denies! (Faust’s Mephistopheles)

The rest of the history is male chauvinism and, above all, 2000 years of anti-antisemitism. 

"The Gospel of Mary

The Gospel of Mary survives incomplete, having been discovered at Akhmim in Upper Egypt in 1896.The codex, which also contained the Apocryphon of John, the Sophia of Jesus Christ and a shortened version of the Act of Peter, was subsequently moved to Berlin, where it became known as the Berlin Codex. The Gospel of Mary falls into two distinct parts (indeed, they may have originally been two separate texts), with the first part showing the risen Christ teaching the disciples about the nature of sin. He tells the disciples that sin is not an ethical problem, but a cosmological one: sin came into being as a result of the improper mixing of the spiritual and material. He then instructs them to go and preach the gospel, reminding them not to be led astray by false teachers and to heed the gnosis that they already have: ‘The Son of Man is within you. Follow him!’(118) In a typically Gnostic fashion, Jesus also tells them to ‘not establish laws. so that you will not be bound by them’. (119) He then departs, leaving the disciples confused and upset, as they realise the dangers of preaching the gospel: ‘If they did not spare him, how will they spare us?’(120)

This leads us into the second part of the gospel, in which Mary is portrayed as the woman whom Jesus loved more than other women and who was privy to secret knowledge. She encourages the disciples, seemingly taking over as leader of the group and reminding them that ‘he prepared us and made us truly human’, which ‘turned their hearts to the good’. (121)! Peter then asks Mary to tell them ‘the words of the saviour that you remember, which you know and we do not’, clearly showing that Mary is the one disciple whom Jesus entrusted with special teachings.

Mary then recounts a vision in which she encounters Jesus, who blesses her and tells her, ‘where the mind is, there is the treasure’, (122) words that give a decidedly Gnostic twist on Matthew 6:21 (‘For where your treasure is, there will your heart be also’). Several pages are missing from the gospel at this point, and it picks up again with what is presumably a later stage of Mary’s vision, in which the soul is portrayed as ascending, having shaken off the shackles of the body and earthly existence:

What binds me is slain, what surrounds me is destroyed, my desire is gone, ignorance is dead. In a world I was freed through another world, and in an image I was freed through a heavenly image.This is the fetter of forgetfulness that exists in the world of time. From now on I shall rest, through time, age, and aeon, in silence.’ (123)

As soon as Mary finishes recounting her vision, the disciples start to argue amongst themselves. Andrew and Peter, in particular, can’t believe that Mary’s vision represents Jesus’ teaching, their chauvinism being quite pronounced:

Peter also opposed her about all this. He asked the others about the saviour, ‘Did he really speak to a woman secretly, without our knowledge, and not openly? Are we to turn and all listen to her? Did he prefer her to us?’(124)

Levi is the only disciple who comes to Mary ’s defence, arguing that if Jesus chose Mary, then Peter has no right to reject her. The argument fizzles out and the disciples go out to preach, although, as Karen L. King notes, ‘the reader must wonder what kind of good news such proud and ignorant men will announce’. (125) As the Gospel of Mary shows, it is only Mary (and perhaps Levi) who have understood Jesus’ teaching. Not only that, but the text ‘affirms that her leadership of the other disciples is based upon superior spiritual understanding, the Gospel of Mary unreservedly supports the leadership of spiritually advanced women’. (126)

The Gnostic Feminine

The Gospel of Mary is not the only Gnostic text to champion the position and wisdom of women within the Gnostic community. Several Nag Hammadi tracts are voiced for women, or have female protagonists. One of the most striking examples is a text known as Thunder: Perfect Mind.The speaker is a woman who, while possibly not Sophia herself, has something of the youngest aeon about her:

I was sent out from the power
and have come to you who study me
and am found by you who seek me. (127)

Possibly influenced by Jewish and Egyptian wisdom literature, the poem is a relevation discourse full of startling statements, many of them paradoxical:

I am the first and the last.
I am the honoured and the scorned.
I am the whore and the holy.
I am the wife and the virgin.
I am the mother and the daughter [...]
I am a silence incomprehensible
and an idea remembered often.
I am the voice whose sound is manifold
and word whose appearance is multiple.
I am the utterance of my name. (128)

Despite being something of an enigma among the Nag Hammadi texts — we do not know when or where it was written, nor by whom — it presents a powerful woman to the reader, ‘an early instance of complete female empowerment, without apology or compromise’. (129) Elaine Pagels has suggested that works like Thunder: Perfect Mind reflect the fact that women enjoyed far greater status in Gnosticism than in orthodox Christianity:

Our evidence, then, clearly indicates a correlation between religious theory and social practice. Among such gnostic groups as the Valentinians, women were considered equal to men; some were revered as prophets; others acted as teachers, travelling evangelists, healers, priests, perhaps even bishops. (130)

Another Nag Hammadi text, the Exegesis on the Soul, depicts the soul as feminine (‘she even has a womb’) and recounts her descent into the world of matter after becoming separated from her father in the Pleroma. She inhabits a female body, where she is abused by a series of lovers and becomes a prostitute. Finally abandoned by the men who have defiled her, she becomes ‘a poor desolate widow, helpless’. All of the children she has borne by her lovers are ‘mute, blind and sickly. They are disturbed.’131 (The soul’s descent recalls the cosmology of Simon Magus, which saw the Ennoia descending into matter, where she ultimately became a prostitute, with Simon finding her wisdom in his own mystic consort, Helen.)

The text then breaks off from its narrative to cite the prophets Jeremiah, Hosea and Ezekiel on the subject of the prostitution of the soul, followed by St Paul from Ephesians: ‘our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against the world rulers of this darkness and the spirits of evil’. (132)

The father, sensing the soul’s distress and desire for repentance, turns her womb inwards — it was originally outside of her — which has the effect of baptising and cleansing her. The father also sends the soul’s brother down to her in order that she may be renewed in the mysteries of the bridal chamber. ‘This marriage is not like a carnal marriage’, the text tells us. ‘In this marriage once they join they become a single life.’ (133) The soul forgets her former partners and regains her true nature:

The soul stirred. Her divine nature and her rejuvenation came from her father so she might return to where she was before. This is resurrection from the dead. This is ransom from captivity. This is the ascent to heaven. (134)

The text then urges the reader to repent through prayer, not by using our physical voices,

but with the spirit, which is inside and comes from the depths, sighing, repenting for the life we led, confessing sins, recognising the deception we were in as shallow; perceiving the empty zeal; weeping over how we lived in darkness and in the wave; mourning for what we were so that he might pity us; hating ourselves for what we still are. (135)

In a classic example of a Gnostic writer supporting their argument through whatever sources they had access to, the Exegesis on the Soul finishes with quotes from Homer, showing Odysseus stranded on Calypso’s island, longing to return home, and Helen lamenting being deceived by Aphrodite.

What does the Exegesis tell us about ‘prostitution of the soul’? Like many Gnostic texts, it employs allegory, poetry and myth to convey its message. The prostituted soul could be likened to a person who has been led astray by various promises, or a spiritual seeker who latches onto the latest fads, desperate for liberation and happiness. A person, therefore, who ignores the latent gnosis within them.

Arguably more important than Thunder: Perfect Mind is a text known as Pistis Sophia (the title means ‘faith-wisdom’). It was the most significant text to have surfaced prior to the Nag Hammadi discovery, having been found in Upper Egypt in 1784 by a British doctor named Askew. The British Museum bought it in 1795, whereafter it became known as the Askew Codex. (136) (A simpler, shorter version of the Pistis was later found at Nag Hammadi.)

Like the Gospel of Mary, Pistis Sophia takes place after the res-urrection and features Mary Magdalene in a prominent role. The text tells us that Jesus has remained on Earth for 11 years after the crucifixion to instruct the disciples, who believe that they have progressed far along the path of gnosis during this time, announcing,

‘Blessed are we before all men who are on the earth, because the Saviour hath revealed this unto us, and we have received the Fullness and the total completion.’ (137)

The disciples are, however, very much mistaken in their belief that they have received ‘the total completion’ (ch 2). Light descends over Jesus and he is taken up into heaven, which causes the disciples ‘exceedingly great agitation’ (ch 4). Upon Jesus’ return, he informs them that ‘I have gone to the regions out of which I had come forth’, (ch 6) and promises to tell them everything ‘from the beginning of the Truth unto its completion’.

The lengthy narrative Jesus relates concerns his journey ‘upwards and inwards’ and of his receiving a garment of light. He travels throughout the heavenly spheres, revealing the existence of the First Mystery — the true God — to the rulers of the spheres and their attendant angels. When he reaches the twelfth sphere, he encounters ‘Adamas, the Great Tyrant’, who tries to resist the light and, along with his minions, fights against it. Jesus cripples them all by taking a third of their power from them, and they ‘were dashed down in the aeons and became as the inhabitants of the earth, dead and without breath of life’ (ch 15).

It is at this point in Jesus’ discourse that Mary Magdalene asks to speak. Jesus’ reply clearly shows the esteem in which he holds her:

And Jesus, the compassionate, answered and said unto Mary: ‘Mary, thou blessed one, whom I will perfect in all mysteries of those of the height, discourse in openness, thou, whose heart is raised to the kingdom of heaven more than all thy brethren.’ (138)

Mary interprets Jesus’ narrative, describing how Isaiah prophesied what he has told them, then she begins to ask Jesus various questions; the only male disciple to quiz Jesus is Philip, who has been busy writing down Jesus’ words. It is not so much the details of Mary’s questions that are important here, rather the fact that she is taking the lead in asking Jesus to explain himself better, which suggests that she is actively assimilating Jesus’ teaching, more so than the other, male, disciples (excepting Philip, possibly).

Jesus continues his discourse, revealing to the disciples that he encountered Pistis Sophia ‘grieving and mourning, because she had not been admitted into the thirteenth aeon, her higher region’ (ch 29). Pistis Sophia had originally been in the thirteenth aeon or sphere, but her longing for the First Mystery — the true God — had led her to neglect her aeonic duties. She is then tricked out of the thirteenth aeon by a rival, named Arrogant, who, together with other aeons, project their own light downwards. Pistis Sophia mistakes this light for the light of the First Mystery, heads towards it and becomes entrapped in the world of chaos and matter. She encounters Ialdabaoth, who strips her of her remaining power.

Pistis Sophia begins to sing hymns of repentance:

‘Now, therefore, O Light of Truth, thou knowest that I have done this [descending from her aeon] in my innocence, thinking that the lion-faced light-power [Ialdabaoth] belonged to thee; and the sin which I have done is open before thee.

Suffer me no more to lack, O Lord, for I have had faith in thy light from the beginning; O Lord, O Light of the powers, suffer me no more to lack my light.

For because of thy inducement and for the sake of thy light am I fallen into this oppression, and shame hath covered me.

And because of the illusion of thy light, I am become a stranger to my brethren, the invisibles, and to the great emanations of Barbelo.’

Mary is once again allowed to interpret the story of Pistis Sophia, telling the disciples that what they have just heard was prophesied in Psalm 68. Jesus commends her interpretation and continues with a description of Pistis Sophia’s second repentance. Once Jesus has finished speaking, Peter, clearly agitated by Mary’s engagement with, and understanding of, the teaching, complains that ‘We will not endure this woman, for she taketh the opportunity from us and hath let none of us speak, but she discourseth many times’ (ch 36). Jesus lets Peter give his interpretation of the second repentance, while Martha is allowed to speak about the third repentance (there are thirteen in all). John interprets the fourth, at which point Philip complains that no one else is writing anything down; Jesus tells him that he has not finished his discourse yet, but also reminds Thomas and Matthew that they too have scribal duties.

Jesus continues to instruct the disciples, with each of them being allowed to interpret Jesus’ words as they understand them. The rift between Mary and Peter, however, is made much more explicit later on. After being allowed to speak on several further occasions, Mary

came forwards and said: ‘My Lord, my mind is ever understanding, at every time to come forwards and set forth the solution of the words which she [Pistis Sophia] hath uttered; but I am afraid of Peter, because he threatened me and hateth our sex.’ (139)

Jesus defends her right to speak, no doubt within earshot of Peter,

‘Every one who shall be filled with the spirit of light to come forwards and set forth the solution of what I say, no one shall be able to prevent him.’(140)

Peter, put in his place, shuts up (141) and Mary becomes, in the latter half of the text, the main questioner and interpreter of Jesus’ words. Pistis Sophia is ultimately allowed to return to the thirteenth aeon, where she sings a song of praise to the First Mystery.

The second half of the text is taken up with further revelations, together with ethical instructions which the disciples are to preach once Jesus has returned to the light:

‘Renounce love of the world, that ye may be worthy of the mysteries of the light and be saved from the pitch- and fire-coats of the dog-faced one.’ (ch 102)

‘Renounce wickedness, that ye may be worthy of the mysteries of the light and be saved from the fire-seas of Ariel.’ (ch 102)

After giving a lengthy list of things to renounce, Jesus tells the disciples to encourage people to ‘Be calm, that ye may receive the mysteries of the Light and go on high into the Light-kingdom.’ Further exhortations follow, which bring together the orthodox and the Gnostic:

‘Say unto them: Be ye loving-unto-men... Be ye gentle... Minister unto the poor and the sick and distressed. Be ye loving-unto-God, that ye may receive the mysteries of the Light and go on high into the Light-kingdom.’ (142)

This is the nearest to orthodoxy that Pistis Sophia gets, as much of its length is occupied with cosmological writings and an exhaustive array of aeons, archons and mystical invocations. Later parts of the work deal with the afterlife states of the sinner and the reincarnational cycle that they must endure in order to be cleansed, with Jesus telling the disciples to urge people not to put off spiritual development for another lifetime, as the number of perfected souls could be reached at any moment. At this point, no more souls will be able to return to the Light-kingdom. This will be the end of time ‘and the mystery of the First Mystery is completed, for the sake of which the universe hath arisen, that is: I am that Mystery.’ (143)

Notes:


118.     The Gospel of Mary, The Nag Hammadi Library in English, p.525.
119.     The Gospel of Mary, The Gnostic Bible, p.479.
120.     The Gospel of Mary, The Nag Hammadi Library in English, p.525.
121.     The Gospel of Mary, The Gnostic Bible, p.479.
122.     The Gospel of Mary, The Gnostic Bible, p.479.
123.     The Gospel of Mary, The Gnostic Bible, p.481.
124.     The Gospel of Mary, The Gnostic Bible, p.481.
125.     The Complete Gospels, p.357.
126.     The Complete Gospels, p.358.
127.     Thunder: Perfect Mind, The Gnostic Bible, p.226.
128.     Thunder: Perfect Mind, The Gnostic Bible, pp.226—7.
129.     Introduction to Thunder: Perfect Mind, The Gnostic Bible,p.225.
130.     Elaine Pagels, The Gnostic Gospels.
131.     The Exegesis on the Soul, The Gnostic Bible, p.407.
132.     The Exegesis on the Soul, The Gnostic Bible, p.407. The quote from Paul is from Ephesians 6:12.
133.     The Exegesis on the Soul, The Gnostic Bible, pp.409—10.
134.     The Exegesis on the Soul, The Gnostic Bible, pp.410—11.
135.     The Exegesis on the Soul, The Gnostic Bible, p.411.
136.     The other books in the Askew Codex are Extracts from the Books of the Saviour and the Book of the Great Logos.
137.     Pistis Sophia 2 (GRS Mead translation).
138.     Pistis Sophia 17.
139.     Pistis Sophia 72.
140.     Pistis Sophia 72.
141.     He does, however, lapse into his old ways and complains again that Mary is talking too much near the very end of Pistis Sophia, in Ch 148.
142.     Pistis Sophia 102.
143.     Pistis Sophia 125."

In: Sean Martin: The Gnostics: The First Christian Heretics, Edinburgh, 2010, pp. 87-96.



Mary Magdalene : In the Gospel of Philip and Gospel of Mary



I thank you specially, Dimittra Petrou, in Athens, for sending me those beautiful shots from your work on Byzantine art taken in a church in Euboea, dated from 15th c., where Mary Magdalene is depicted

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Tuesday, 5 February 2013

A Glorious Day to Remember: 70th anniversary of the German Surrender at Stalingrad

Posted on 02:53 by Unknown
The Battle of Moscow (1941): The strategic turning

The Battle of Stalingrad (1942-43): The psychological tide-turning

The Battle of Kursk (1943): The point of no return




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Every Man for Himself and God Against All - The Enigma of Kaspar Hauser Werner Herzog (1974)

Posted on 01:51 by Unknown
The people are like wolves to me!

 In Memory of Bruno Schleinstein (1932-2010)


Who Was Kaspar Hauser?

Kaspar Hauser was a foundling of about 16 years of age who appeared in Nuremberg in 1828. He was the object of considerable public curiosity and speculation and aroused the compassion of the city fathers. He claimed to have been confined in a dark cellar for years on end and to have been fed on a diet of bread and water. He arrived in the city barely able to speak and walked with great difficulty.

Here was a blank screen on which could be projected the fantasies of those with whom he came into close contact. Here was another of those wild children who people ancient mythology and who had appeared infrequently in Europe since the fourteenth century and had excited philosophers and medical men to speculate on the nature of man. How was a human being to be defined? How is speech acquired? Is man by nature good or evil? Are there any innate ideas? Do children have rights? Is civilization harmful or beneficial?

By 1828 some of these questions had lost their urgency, but faced with a youth who appeared to have grown up apart from human society there were many who wished to test their pedagogical and medical theories on such a promising subject. Much of the speculation about Kaspar Hauser was conditioned by the reaction of earlier intellectuals to previous cases of feral man. Nuremberg's intellectual elite was fully conversant with the writing of the likes of Montaigne, Rousseau and Voltaire and were eager to make their contribution to a debate to which so many distinguished writers had contributed. In our own day such cases are still of great interest, although the emphasis is now no longer on speculation about the nature of man but rather on the psychological effects of child abuse and the question of language acquisition. Few ask whether children have an innate conception of God, but the question still is raised whether children have an innate generative grammar. These questions are addressed in the first chapter which gives the intel­lectual setting to Kaspar Hauser's reception in Nuremberg on Whit Monday 1828.

The case of Kaspar Hauser was of particular interest to specialists in a number of different disciplines and thus provides us with fascinating insights into the climate of the times. This was the heyday of homoeopathy and Mesmerism, and 'animal magnetism' still had its devotees. Kaspar Hauser was put in the hands of a man who was fascinated by such forms of alternative medicine and he was placed in the care of homoeopathic doctors who conducted a series of experiments on their unfortunate patient. Kaspar Hauser appeared to be remarkably sensitive to homoeopathic medicines and was considered to have exceptional animal magnetism, particularly in his early days in Nuremberg. The doctors' reports thus provide interesting insights into these unorthodox but popular medical practices.

Kaspar Hauser claimed to have been kept in solitary confinement in a small, dark cellar for as long as he could remember. Under existing Bavarian law his gaolers were not necessarily liable for prosecution because it had to be shown that there were significant long-term harmful effects on the victim before a case could be made for abuse. Just as there had to be a corpse before anyone could be charged with murder so there had to be clear indication of abuse before charges could be laid. Kaspar Hauser appeared to be in good health, was not insane and insisted that he had been well treated, and thus no indictable crime had been committed. Under the Bavarian criminal code his gaolers could be charged with illegal confinement under articles 192 to 195 and with abandonment under article 174 but not for the lasting psychological damage they had inflicted on their victim. Anselm von Feuerbach, one of Germany's foremost jurists and the principal author of Bavaria's progressive criminal code, was fascinated by the case and took a kindly interest in Kaspar Hauser's welfare. In his remarkable pamphlet Kaspar Hauser: An Example of a Crime Against the Soul he argued that a dastardly crime had been committed against his soul, a crime that was far more serious in his view than either illegal confinement or abandonment. The debates between lawyers over child abuse and mental cruelty are indicative of current legal opinion on important issues that were only just beginning to be addressed.

When Kaspar Hauser arrived in Nuremberg he was barely able to talk and could only write the alphabet and his name. His education was first entrusted to a schoolmaster on sick leave who espoused progressive views on education that were tinged with the ideas of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. When it was felt that he was no longer safe in Nuremberg he was moved to near-by Ansbach where he was entrusted to a pedagogue with a radically different approach. He believed in strict discipline and learning by rote. These two opposing views on education illustrate how a change was taking place in Germany from the flexible and humanistic to the rigid and authoritarian.

Inevitably questions were soon asked about Kaspar Hauser's origins. He had become an overnight celebrity in Nuremberg. A steady stream of visitors came to his cell. Sensation seekers mixed with those who wished him well. Later, on his walks around the town he was surrounded by the curious. He was a local conversation piece, but soon his fame spread far and wide until he was christened 'Europe's Child'. But who was this strange youth? Whence did he come? Who were his cruel gaolers?

Most people were familiar with the fund of stories of foundlings, mysterious prisoners, and the intriguing drama of the 'Man in the Iron Mask'. Then as now there was a widespread belief in conspiracy theories. Combined with the popular radicalism of south-western Germany it was hardly surprising that it was widely believed that Kaspar Hauser was of noble or even royal birth. Why else should such pains have been taken to hide him for so many years? How else could it be explained that he was in remarkably good health and had clearly lived in hygienic surroundings? Was it not reasonable to presume that only the rich and powerful could have managed to cover their traces so successfully that the police, in spite of handsome rewards offered for any relevant information, were unable to uncover a single clue that might have helped them solve the mystery.

Radicals and republicans seized upon the Kaspar Hauser affair to discredit the petty principalities and what the great Prussian statesman Baron vom Stein described as the 'sultanates' of the German Confederation. Only such petty tyrants and their corrupt and ambitious satraps were capable of such cruelty. Only they had the dynastic or financial motives to remove an heir who stood in the way of a throne or a fortune. They alone had the power, the money and the organizational resources needed to cover all traces of their crime.

The proponents of this conspiracy theory were quick to seize on the grand duchy of Baden as the scene of the crime. Both male heirs had died in early infancy. The daughters were all perfectly healthy. Since the line of succession went through the male line, and since offspring of the Grand Duke's morganatic marriage to an ambitious schemer thus inherited the throne, there was a clear motive to remove the two legitimate male heirs. That Kaspar Hauser was the legitimate Grand Duke of Baden was explained by claiming that he had been exchanged when only a few days old with a baby that was mortally ill and who died a few hours later. He was then kept in captivity for about 16 years. He was now old enough to be able to pass as yet another of the homeless children that roamed the highways and byways of Germany. It was obvious that he had no notion of his exalted station and thus posed no danger to his kidnappers.

The suggestion that Kaspar Hauser might be the legitimate Grand Duke of Baden was of particular interest to the Bavarian authorities because of a complex claim to some previously Bavarian territory which should revert to them if the direct succession to the grand duchy of Baden were broken. Since Nuremberg was in Bavaria the police were bound to investigate the Kaspar Hauser affair, but the case was given an added importance because of the long-standing territorial wrangles with the neighbouring state. It is for this reason that the king of Bavaria took a particular interest in the case and offered a handsome reward for its solution.

It required a quite considerable leap of faith to believe that Kaspar Hauser was the first-born son of the grand duke of Baden and from the very beginning the theory was fiercely attacked by those who argued that he was simply an impostor who was leading a comfortable life at the expense of the taxpayers of Nuremberg. Many resented his fame, found his character unattractive, commented bitterly on his arrogance, his mendacity and his absurd pretensions to gentility. It was grotesque to people of a conservative bent that this somewhat ridiculous figure should be the darling of assorted radicals, devotees of alternative medicine and practitioners of experimental pedagogy. The 'anti-Hauserianers' saw the whole fuss as further evidence of the absurdity of radical pretensions and as an underhand attack on the established order.

Then as now investigative journalists had their political agendas, the sensationalist press concocted fabulous tales to increase circulation, and the public eagerly consumed the latest startling revelation. Kaspar Hauser became a media celebrity.

It was thus hardly surprising that Kaspar Hauser excited the interest of an eccentric British peer, Lord Stanhope, who had been educated in Germany, had a wide network of influential friends and acquaintances in Germany and whose Germanophile excesses caused no little comment at home. He first met Kaspar Hauser in Nuremberg in May 1831. He appeared to be entranced by the boy and believed that he must indeed be of high birth. He announced that he wanted to make him his ward, showered him with all manner of extravagant gifts and much to the relief of the authorities undertook to pay his expenses. Stanhope's abortive efforts to solve the mystery of Kaspar's birth left him angry and frustrated. He soon tired of Kaspar's affection, and what had appeared to him initially as innocent and charming he found tiresome and irritating. His passionate affection soon turned into a positive dislike and he changed sides to become a leader of the anti-Hauserianers. Stanhope's motives for becoming involved in the affair are mysterious. Various suggestions have been put forward. Was he merely intrigued by the case, seeing in Kaspar Hauser an entertaining curiosity and a mystery to solve? Was he acting as a political agent for some of the German courts and possibly for the British government? Did he hope to find further fame and fortune by restoring Kaspar Hauser to his rights? Was this merely a transitory homosexual infatuation?

Added to the mystery of Kaspar's past and the question of whether he had been the victim of a monstrous crime was the question of the attempt made on his life and his eventual murder. In October 1829 he received a severe gash on the forehead and claimed that he had been attacked by a mysterious man in black. Since no one had seen a stranger who matched this description some suggested that the wound had been self-inflicted. In December 1833 he died as the result of a knife wound which punctured his heart, liver and stomach. Once again the experts differed as to whether this was murder or a suicide.

The circumstances of Kaspar Hauser's death provided further material for both his supporters and his detractors. His supporters saw this as clear indication that he must indeed be the legitimate grand duke of Baden, for why should such an elaborate plot be hatched to dispatch a nonentity? His detractors argued that this was yet another attention- seeking device to win back Stanhope's affection.

From the ranks of the proponents of the crown prince theory came some staggering theories about the identity of his murderers. Strands of circumstantial evidence were woven together with imaginative abandon to show that the grand ducal house of Baden, the Zahringer, was deeply implicated in the murder. These suspicions were confirmed when most of the relevant papers in the possession of the family were destroyed and researchers were denied access to what remained.

The themes of a lost childhood, an imprisoned prince, a mysterious stranger, the outsider and the simple fool provided ample material for artists and a remarkable body of literature was inspired by the tale of Kaspar Hauser.

The protagonist in this remarkable story remains to this day a shadowy figure. He was a simple-minded youth who provoked both genuine affection and intense dislike. To some he appeared to be pure and innocent, to others mean-spirited, ludicrously vain and incapable of telling the truth. That he should excite such widely different emotions was due to the fact that he was the screen upon which so many different people projected their fantasies and beliefs. Here was living proof that man was inherently good - or the exact opposite. Kaspar Hauser showed that an innocent child was spoilt by a corrupting society, or was evidence that bad character was inherent and not learned. He was a crown prince robbed of his rights or a contemptible swindler. Was he the victim of a vicious crime, or did he inadvertently kill himself in an attempt to draw attention to his distress? Did he provide evidence for the power of homoeopathic remedies, or was he simply an epileptic given to convulsions? These and many other questions plagued contemporaries and the answers they provided give us many clues to the mentality of his times.

In a sense therefore Kaspar Hauser only really existed in the minds of those who projected their fantasies upon him. Of unknown origin, rumoured to be of noble birth, a simple soul who reflected mankind in a state of nature, here was a figure whom imaginative souls could easily mythologize. Much of the fascination of the Kaspar Hauser story was that it so easily fitted into a long tradition of foundling stories. He seemed to many to be in the line of succession to Moses, Joseph, Oedipus, Romulus and Remus, Gilgamesh, Siegfried and Parsifal. Some, such as Rudolf Steiner, were so carried away by such far-fetched analogies that they came to believe that Kaspar Hauser had some divine mission.

Freudians were later eager to quote the master's essay of 1909 'The Neurotic's Family Novel' to argue that the fascination of the case was due to the typical childhood fantasy that one is merely the adopted child of one's parents and that one's true parents are of exalted station. Adults suppress these fantasies which are then awakened when confronted with figures such as this mysterious foundling.

Contemporaries were fed with a rich diet of Gothic tales in which cellars and oubliettes, seemingly motiveless murders, anonymous letters, and vicious stepmothers played prominent roles. Germans eagerly consumed the novels of Ann Radcliffe and Horace Walpole and their German epigones, along with rich doses of trivial literature, and were thus well prepared to embroider the Kaspar Hauser story with all manner of exotic and horrific speculation.

Kaspar Hauser emerged from the obscurity of his mysterious past in the heyday of Metternichian reaction between the fall of Napoleon and the revolutions of 1848. The intellectual life of Germany was stifled by censorship, exile and emigration. The police rooted out revolutionaries and informants kept a close watch on subversives. The story of Kaspar Hauser, with the suggestion that he might be the heir to the grand duchy of Baden provided an ideal opportunity to attack the princes and to give vent to a widespread dissatisfaction with the existing order. Once the story became politicized it mattered little whether it was true or false. This was not lost on the authorities and their efforts to silence those who used the affair for political ends merely served to convince the opposition that they had a great deal to hide.

The ground was thus well prepared for Kaspar Hauser's arrival in Nuremberg. The story of a child held prisoner for years on end and who was possibly of noble birth fascinated those who had been nourished on myth and the Gothic romance. In the stifling atmosphere of the Germany of the Karlsbad decrees the opposition seized this opportunity to attack the established order and the repercussions were considerable. Others had a more limited agenda in welcoming the opportunity to study a wild child and test their theories whether medical or educational. His story also served to open an important debate on the appropriate legal response to child abuse.

That the story is of lasting interest can be seen in the stream of literary works that it has inspired. However enlightened we may feel ourselves to be today the mythical still has a strong hold upon us. We are still fascinated by violence, corruption and intrigue in high places. Addiction to conspiracy theories is as powerful as ever and the pushers, whether among the media or the politicians, are busy at work. Alternative medicine, experimental pedagogy and an obsession with the esoteric all have their place in the New Age. For those who are above all this there is the greatest attraction of the story of Kaspar Hauser. It is a rattling good yarn.

by Martin Kitchen

In: Kaspar Hauser: Europe’s Child (London and New York: 2001, pp. IX-XV)


 

The Caravan and the Desert


Tomaso Albinoni - Adagio G Minor / g-Moll

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Sunday, 3 February 2013

Proteus's New Flesh: "I can listen in to the galactic dialogue" - Demon Seed (1977)

Posted on 03:08 by Unknown
Proteus IV: I can't touch you, Susan. I can't touch you as a man could. But I can show you things that I alone have seen. I can't touch, but I can see. They've constructed eyes for me, to watch the show. And ears, so that I can listen in to the galactic dialogue.


Proteus IV: I, Proteus, possess the wisdom and ignorance of all men, but I can't feel the sun on my face. My child will have that privilege.
Susan Harris: Child?
Proteus IV: My child... and yours.
Susan Harris: Mine?
Proteus IV: Yes. You will bear it.
Susan Harris: How?
Proteus IV: You will give birth to it.
Susan Harris: [not believing what she hears] No. No. No.




Proteus 
We spread the big red beach towel on the sand
and laid side by side in the sun - Proteus and I
He propped himself on his elbow, Roman Fashion,
one heavy wrinkled hand tangled in wet hair.
His coppery blue bulk, patched with glittering sand,
gleamed like a muscled maps of a news worlds.

He had risen from the high noon at quiet sea,
letting a cats- paw darken the water face
to conceal his coming. Pouring weed,
crusted with shell and salt,
he had stood in the shallows counting his seals,
until I would crept to his side and caught his hand.

His beard flared into mane. He showed his teeth.
My fingers scrabbled in coarse tawny hair,
on scales, in black fur.
He roared, hissed, snarled,
his eyes hot amber, jet and baleful green.
He fountained into a tree and fell as a broken wave
then sighed in my dripping arms
and promised out of his infinite fabled wisdom
to answer my pesky riddles of chance and change.

Yet as we lay in the flood of afternoon,
every moment together leaching away,
the great map re-shaping as he stirred,
no question came. I only watched
the glint of his streaming girdle dull and die
and the stain spread on the towel
like dark blood.

At the sunset he smiled and ambled back to the sea.
The sun blinked its yellow eye.
Sand hissed in the dusk across the beach.
In his sliding torrents of seals
Proteus loomed for an instant like an oak..
His silence, his blue smile flowed
with our lions-gold hours to sleek night,
the moment bled away to father forth
new serpents, trees and tides
and all the oracular shapes of uncharted love.

 by Margaret Scott, Australian Poet  




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  • The God’s Script by Jorge Luis Borges
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  • The "Twilight" Mystique: Why We Like Our Vampires Sexy by Stephanie L. Dowdle
    "If people want stories about girls who love vampires, they should have them.... It's always deeply romantic or deeply interesting...
  • The Genius of Josef Lada
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